Scripture is replete with warnings about placing faith in political leaders above God.
God repeatedly calls the faithful to reject kings and idols, to disperse power away from any singular charismatic personality. “Ye shall have no king nor ruler, for I [God] will be your king and watch over you.” (D&C 38:21).
Why? Because we know from sad experience that as soon as men “get a little authority, they will immediately begin to exercise unrighteous dominion.” (D&C 121:39). Kings, with their greater authority, wreak greater unrighteousness.
God warns that kings tend to demand submission to their authority over humble submission to the divine. In their egotism, kings pursue violence and corruption (1 Samuel 8). They “tear up the laws of those who have reigned in righteousness” and “trample under their feet the commandments of God.” (Mosiah 29:22). Wicked kings, like false prophets, “profess that they know God; but in works they deny him, being abominable, and disobedient, and unto every good work reprobate.” (Titus 1:16).
The last four years have featured a series of maneuvers to crown President Trump as King. This week’s Republican convention embraced that coronation, proving a willingness to jettison prophetic warnings. The GOP wrote no platform other than to express their “unanimous agree[ment] to reassert the Party’s strong support for President Donald Trump” and “enthusiastically support the President’s America First agenda.”
For all Mike Pence purports to be a “Christian, a conservative, and a Republican, in that order,” Pence this week literally substituted the American flag for Jesus while mis-quoting Hebrews in support of Donald Trump. Pence implied Trump, not Christ, is the “author and perfecter of our faith – and freedom.”
The GOP now reveres Trump above Christ as their King. Trump’s assertions of “total” and “magical authority” are unmoored from any other democratic, christian, or even moral principle.
To borrow a page from Pence’s blasphemy: the GOP “shall not live by the Bible alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of Trump.”
This is the only way I’ve figured out how to understand Trump. He’s not just a political leader, he’s become a religious one. Trump is the central authority of his own nascent faith.
From that vantage, Trump’s ignorance of Christianity and amoral behavior is rendered irrelevant. It’s not hypocritical that Trump does not attend Church because he’s not bound by Christian rules. Why would Trump need to ever seek forgiveness from God for his sins when he is his own font of truth? If Trump is Lord, Trump’s enemies must beg and seek forgiveness from him.
Latter-day Saint scholar David Campbell has often remarked: “when politics is put ahead of religion, it corrupts religion.” I would argue even further: when politics is put ahead of religion, it preys upon tribalism instincts until it supplants religion.
Religion is what Trumpism has become.
Trumpism as a Political Movement
For the last five years, “Trumpism” as a political movement has both captivated and baffled pundits. The persistent question is why? Why are core Trump supporters willing to vote against both their own economic interests and their professed moral beliefs?
Most popular political analysis has failed to capture the essence of Trump. In part this is because political science, in recent decades, has trended toward empirical models reliant on economic indicators. “It’s the economy, stupid” has become a tautology. Yet Trump confounds these models.
Economic-based models rely on an assumption that people have limited time and attention. Voters will therefore cast ballots primarily based on their rational economic self-interest. They want steady jobs, safe communities, higher wages, and access to affordable education and healthcare. From that lens, most cultural and emotional factors are cast off as secondary.
Emphasizing economic rationales for political votes has led to a multitude of analyses portraying Trump voters as rural farmers and rust belt workers left behind in a globalizing economy. In this narrative, President Trump’s persistent support signifies the deep disaffection of the working class in a nation of rising wealth inequality. Voters are drawn to Trumpian promises of putting “America First” by reducing immigration while rebuilding infrastructure, restoring Midwest manufacturing, and increasing middle class wages (which have stagnated since the 1970s).
There are a few well-documented problems with this narrative.
First: it applies only to whites. Black Americans experience far more wealth inequality, but resoundingly (+82%) reject Trumpism.
Second: Trump voters are richer than stereotyped, more upper-middle-class than working class. They are wealthier (+$17,000/year) and better educated (+0.84 years of school) than the national average, as well as the average person in all 50 states.
Third: Trump’s actual economic actions while President have sent most gains to the top 1-10% while harming farmers and manufacturers.
And yet, despite the economic chaos wrought by Trumpian trade wars, crushing unemployment, and an uncontrolled pandemic, 35-40% of Americans continue to support Trump. This is Trump’s “Fifth Avenue” voting base.
Trumpism as a Religious Movement
Who is this 35%? And why do they persist in their fervid support?
Trump’s base is largely comprised of white Christians, particularly white evangelical Protestants (+61%), Mormons (+53%), and white Catholics (+19%). Their support endures because Trump has latched onto their pre-existing religiously-tinged conservative political opinions, and supplanted them with his own vision of American exceptionalism.
In short, Trump has become the new charismatic leader of a religious movement. He has rejected the authority of existing institutions and supplanted all of them with unique truth centered in himself.
I recognize that the lines between political and religious identity are fluid; both are rooted in humanity’s drive to tribalism. People use the same mental evaluation tactics to build community, assess loyalty, and evaluate truth claims in each.
But we cannot ignore that the rise of Trumpism has wrought a uniquely religious effect: his political supporters have become more religious; while his political opponents have become more secular. During this Administration, white evangelicals and Republicans have flipped from +58% valuing presidential morals over political agendas, to +30% valuing political agendas over presidential morals.
Trumpism has corrupted religion. Trumpism has become religion.
Trump is Truth
Trump, the self-described expert builder, has constructed for his supporters a new factuality. As an expert in everything and “a very stable genius,” they believe that Trump “alone can fix it.”
Trump has thus become the ultimate arbiter. As Trump has explained: “If you admit to anything and any culpability, then you’re dead,” so “deny, deny, deny.” Trump’s denials become the new truth.
He defines “fake news” entirely by reference to what flatters him. Lies disseminated by trolls and foreign actors are true, if they support Trump’s election and power. Facts disseminated by American media institutions are lies, if they criticize Trump. Even weather maps about hurricanes are lies which Trump has the power to alter with sharpies.
Trumpists tag along for this roller coaster ride of alternate reality. Where Trump blasts global warming, his supporters become much more skeptical of climate change. Where Trump hates vaccines, the anti-vax movement spikes.
The substitute reality extends to the pandemic. Even though COVID-19 is a viewpoint agnostic virus raining 180,000+ deaths upon blue states and red states alike, Trumpists back the President : “the intense pressure of the pandemic appears to be fortifying, rather than fracturing, the long-standing divisions in the electorate that Trump has already widened.”
Across the board, Republicans do not view COVID as a serious health risk (+39% ). They are more likely to embrace COVID conspiracy theories (44%). Trump’s repeated endorsement of hydroxychloroquine means +30% Republicans still favor its use – despite warnings from world health authorities. And Trump’s longtime refusal to wear masks accounts for a +31% difference between Democrats and Republicans regarding mask mandates.
Where Trump leads, Trumpists follow. Pointing out Trump’s 20,000+ lies, his empirical falsehoods, and his blatant hypocrisy accomplishes nothing. They have afforded his words the weight of scripture.
This includes words directed against their own religious leaders. Trump quarrels with the Pope, attacks the head of the Southern Baptist Convention, and demeans the evangelical magazine Christianity Today. Trumpists accept these insults — all of these people committed the universal offenses of sinning against Trumpism. In the end, they are quicker to fire a pastor for not being Republican than they are to condemn Trump for immorality.
The Bible is Subservient to Trump as Scripture
Trump does not rely on the Bible itself as scripture – he has not read it and cannot recite its verses. Rather, Trump realizes that if he couples his own charisma with the Bible, he can achieve great manipulative effect. It’s the philosophy of Trump, mingled with scripture.
This is what Trump signaled in Lafayette Square. Bill Barr ordered police to violently evict peaceful protestors, including Priests from the portico of St. John’s Church itself, for a photo-op. Trump never opened the Bible, which Ivanka Trump had hid in a $1500 Gucci handbag. He never preached the peaceable gospel of Christ. He never said a word. He literally took a photo with a Bible and left. The photo-op itself, in the context of the violence which preceded it, was Trump’s desired message.
When Trump invokes the Bible, it is not to demonstrate how the Bible guides Trump’s actions, it’s to demonstrate that he’s willing to advance whatever agenda his supporters want to attribute to the Bible as a way to solidify his own power. That’s why he picked Mike Pence as Vice President – Pence is just a carrot to dangle in front of evangelicals. That’s why he flipped stances on abortion, not because he has any respect for sexual morality, but because it checks a box to win over “single-issue” voters.
Similarly, Trump does not care about “religious freedom,” he cares that using those buzz words earn him evangelical devotion. It’s so easy to curry that favor! All Trump has to do is appoint Justice Gorsuch to the Supreme Court and perform a few talking points about being pro-life and pro-cake.
This is par for Trumpism. At the end of the day, he only spouts conservative Christian talking points to support Trumpism’s greater truth. It does not matter that the Supreme Court consistently rules for religious freedom for Christians (while upholding Trump’s Muslim Ban). What matters is whether the Supreme Court votes for him.
Earlier this summer Trump whined “Do you get the impression that the Supreme Court doesn’t like me?” Notably, this remark was prompted not by a First Amendment decision implicating Christian grievances in the culture wars, but rather an arcane administrative law decision faulting his Administration’s sloppiness over immigration policy.
Despite consistently ruling for Christianity, the Supreme Court had dared to rule against Trumpism. Trump expected loyalty from Justice Gorsuch and is furious at not receiving enough of it. Sinning against Trumpism is unforgivable.
Trumpism Embraces the Ethics of White Nationalism
Although Trumpism wields the forms of Christianity, his actual substance is ethno-nationalism. Social scientists have long documented a link between fundamentalist faiths who champion inerrancy and political right-wing authoritarianism. Unsurprisingly, a notable predictor of Trump support has been voters who trend authoritarian, including by supporting strong police powers to be used against minorities. Anti-immigrant nativism and fear heavily correlate with support for Trump.
The cruelty is the point. Norm violations are his appeal.
One popular Trumpism catchphrase is “Law and Order” – code for promoting white America and punishing the “other.” In advance of that agenda, Trump offered pardons for federal officials who committed violence against Mexican immigrants. Anti-immigrant, anti-minority, anti-democratic views are Trumpism’s ethical code. This is how Trump’s words stoke hate crimes; they’re heard as moral justification to preserve the true nature of America.
Trumpism’s substitute theology of white nationalism now trumps any other classical Christian teaching of “love your neighbor,” “visit the fatherless and the widows in their affliction,” “invite in the stranger,” “execute justice for the oppressed, and give food to the hungry.”
His convention speech last night is prototypical: while referencing God and the Bible in passing, most of the text is steeped in virulent racism, decrying China, Mexico, Europe, NATO, foreigners, asylum-seekers, Muslims (“Jihadists”), illegal immigrants, “anarchists, looters, and rioters.” The nationalism was clear: “Your vote will decide whether we protect law-abiding Americans or whether we give free rein to violent anarchists and agitators and criminals who threaten our citizens.”
His supporters revere this endless stream of dog whistles. Ever since George Floyd’s asphyxiation and Trump’s threat to Minneapolis to shoot protestors, 20% more Republicans now oppose Black Lives Matter (+67% opposition over Democrats).
Racist and sexist (+46%) attitudes are one of the strongest predictors of support for Trump. Trumpists see the Confederate flag as a symbol of Southern pride, not racism (+55%, Republicans). They condemn kneeling during the national anthem as inappropriate (+55%, Republicans). They mock the existence of “implicit bias.” The LGBTQ community is viewed unfavorably (+56%, Republicans). And Trump voters are not ready for any woman to be President (+60%, Republicans).
Trumpism in Symbols: Make America Great Again
Trumpism has developed symbols to capture its white Christian nationalist doctrine. Nothing encapsulates it better than “Make America Great Again” hats. In just four words, the phrase posits an alternative reality to which Trump’s supporters can escape.
Make America Great Against is a campaign slogan turned into a proclamation of social identity. That identity depends upon a fundamentalist idea: America used to be great, but lost status. Only Trump can enable the return. But a return to what? What changed that must be restored?
Trumpists don’t hide their answers. They want to go back to the idealized 1950s: when manufacturing reigned, the “suburban lifestyle dream” was created, immigration was low, only whites benefited from the GI Bill, and strict gender roles prevailed. To them, the subsequent generations of social change are the national problem. This is what “Make America Great Again” pithily communicates, to both Trump’s supporters and his opponents.
Trumpism in Symbols: Build Walls
Making America Great Again means expelling the foreigners. It means rewriting the Statue of Liberty to ban anyone poor or non-white. “Build the Wall!” has become one of the great unifying symbols of Trumpism – with +83% Republican support over Democrats. White children use the phrase to bully classmates of color. Kids in cages are an acceptable consequence of imposing law and order; Republicans are +57% in favor of deportation.
Trump supporters likewise fear Middle East refugees. (+69%). Before Trump’s infamous call in 2015 for a “total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States,” the difference between Democratic and Republican fears of Islamic violence was +11%. Immediately after, the difference spiked to +46%, where it has since remained.
Trumpism loves Televised Ritual
The only thing Trump worships is television coverage of himself. He measures success by TV ratings and crowd sizes, caring more about coverage of his coronavirus press conferences than about the coronavirus itself. Gunning for Trump’s approval, Fox News has recast its programming for an audience of one. White House correspondents have learned they can earn screen time by centering their attention on Trump even when he is off stage.
Trump’s love of television has made television appearances the central ritual of Trumpism. It started with the campaign rallies, as thousands chanted his name while the press live streamed every hour of Trump’s unscripted chaos. It continued yesterday, as Trump violated federal election law to achieve the visual effect of promoting his candidacy with the White House as a backdrop and fireworks over the Washington Monument. Trump inserts endless theatrical drama into his televised events.
Before his televised speeches and press conferences, it’s often a toss-up whether his remarks will be delivered impromptu or off of a teleprompter. Teleprompter speeches are more boring (except when he can’t pronounce words the teleprompter feeds him, like “Yosemite.”) Unscripted Trump is more exciting.
The difference is not lost on his supporters. Trumpism revels in the impromptu questions at press conferences and while boarding planes, the moments where Trump is at his most unscripted. These unscripted remarks are more revered than scripted ones. Followers know Trump’s unscripted first and third responses to the 2017 Unite the Right events in Charlottesville – not the scripted second – are the authoritative ones.
Meanwhile, Trump’s supporters are happy to quote the scripted versions to liberals who accuse Trump of racism. For example, amidst the racism of last night’s speech, Trump also kept asserting “I have done more in three years for the Black community than Joe Biden has done in 47 years.” This is all the plausible deniability his voters need – the doublespeak is how they both publicly wield “political correctness” against their enemies by citing Trump’s “presidential” statements , and privately unpack the white nationalist mysteries of Trump’s true Twitter meanings in QAnon-fueled gatherings of friends.
Trumpism as an Aggrieved Community
Above all else Trumpism demands loyalty. Supporter loyalty is a litmus test – no one can say the President is wrong, you can at most posit that he presented “alternative facts.” On morning talk shows, loyalists know to stick to Trumpian lines, because obsequiousness alone rewards them with White House prestige.
To condemn Trump is to incur instant, devastating wrath. This is why even otherwise principled Republican representatives don’t dare contradict Trump. Trump and his supporters turn on anyone who offers even mild criticism. Any criticism implies Trump can be wrong, a concept an infallible religious leader cannot countenance. Any perceived lack of loyalty is betrayal, and betrayal is persecution.
Trumpism has a persecution complex. One well-documented religious phenomenon is that adherents often counterintuitively embrace their own pain. Shared sacrifice builds faith communities. “Cancel Culture” binds tribes together. Martyrdom is victory. When Trumpism is perceived as being persecuted, believers accept its tenets as more true.
The parables which result are predictable: Trump’s acceptance of Russian interference is proof that secular enemies don’t accept the divine provenance of his election. Trump’s impeachment was a bitter liberal reaction against his success at Making America Great Again. Every negative media story is Presidential Harassment. If only Trump had fewer Deep State enemies, his victory would be complete.
To once again borrow from scripture, Trumpists are prone to believe that when liberals “revile and persecute” them, they should “rejoice and be exceedingly glad, for so they persecuted the prophets who were before you.”
By casting both Trump and themselves as victims – even when Trump is the one causing the harm, even when they are privileged and wealthy perpetrators of America’s majoritarian race and religious status quo and in control of all three branches of Government – the GOP energizes its commitment to Trumpism.
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This is the 35% of loyal Trumpists. Their only sin is not loving Trump enough. Only greater adherence, only doubling-down on “four more years” will “Make American Great Again, Again.”
Trumpism is a religion. Trump 2024 is not a joke. Because only if Trump is crowned their theocratic King can his vision for America be fulfilled.